Enhancing the criminology of mobility : A need for interdisciplinary and multi-sited research approaches : Introduction

Archiwum Kryminologii 2024, t. XLVI, nr 1, s. 5–14.

Współautorstwo: Fernandez-Bessa, Cristina; Ferraris, Valeria; Kox, Mieke

Scholars from various disciplines, geographic locations and research traditions have examined border dynamics – investigating what occurs at borders, how it happens, its origins, consequences and normative implications. This has given rise to the burgeoning field of the “Criminology of Mobility”, an academic discipline focussed on issues such as citizenship, race, gender, ethnicity and immigration control. This relatively new and innovative academic discipline delves into the processes of inclusion and exclusion both at and within state borders, often employing methods traditionally associated with the criminal justice system, law enforcement and military operations – frequently without the safeguards typically in place. Scholars in this field investigate how existing inequalities – particularly those related to gender, race, nationality and class – are exacerbated by new power structures and systems of belonging. We have observed that there remains a notable lack of diversity in research from global regions, as well as a lack of attention to the perspectives of those directly affected by or involved in border control mechanisms and their extraterritorial dimensions. This special issue is a step to address this gap.

Od wielu lat naukowcy z różnych dyscyplin, geograficznych lokalizacji i tradycji badawczych analizują dynamikę granic – badając, co dzieje się w nich dzieje, jakie praktyki są tam stosowane, gdzie te procesy mają swoje początki oraz jakie przynoszą konsekwencje. Ruch ten dał początek rozwijającej się dziedzinie „kryminologii mobilności” – dyscyplinie akademickiej koncentrującej się na takich kwestiach jak obywatelstwo, rasa, płeć, pochodzenie etniczne i kontrola imigracji. Ta stosunkowo nowa i innowacyjna dyscyplina zgłębia procesy włączania i wykluczenia, mające miejsce zarówno na samych granicach państwa, jak i w ich pobliżu. Działania państwa w tym zakresie często wykorzystują metody tradycyjnie kojarzone z systemem sądownictwa karnego, pracą organów ścigania i operacjami wojskowymi – często prowadzone są jednak bez typowych środków gwarancyjnych, jakie prawo powinno oferować. Naukowcy zajmujący się kryminologią mobilności badają, w jaki sposób istniejące nierówności – zwłaszcza te związane z płcią, etnicznością, narodowością i klasą – są pogłębiane przez nowe struktury władzy i systemy przynależności. W prowadzonych badaniach widoczny jest jednak brak różnorodności w odniesieniu do analizowanych regionów świata, mało uwagi poświęca się również perspektywom osób bezpośrednio dotkniętych mechanizmami kontroli granicznej lub w nie zaangażowanych oraz ich eksterytorialnym wymiarem. Ten numer tematyczny jest krokiem w kierunku wypełnienia tej luki.

Czyjego bezpieczeństwa strzegą współczesne państwo i prawo? : (artykuł recenzyjny)

Państwo i Prawo 2022, nr 12, s. 133-141.

John Pratt jest dobrze znany polskim czytelniczkom i czytelnikom jako twórca pojęcia „populizm penalny”, które na stałe weszło do polskiego języka naukowego. Wielokrotnie odwoływano się do niego, pisząc o niepożądanych kierunkach zmian w prawie karnym. Najnowsza praca Johna Pratta (Law, Insecurity and Risk Control: Neo-Liberal Governance and the Populist Revolt, Cham 2020) jest ważna także dla polskiego czytelnika, gdyż rysowany przez Autora obraz przekłada się także na polskie doświadczenia. O ocenie Autora, książka ta znakomita synteza drogi, jaką na przestrzeni ostatnich dekad przeszły społeczeństwa i państwa anglosaskie (a wraz z nimi i wiele innych krajów) od państw opiekuńczych, przez rządy neoliberalne, do rozwiązań populistycznych, w tym także w zakresie rozwijającego się prawa punitywnego, wychodzącego poza ramy klasycznego prawa karnego. Polscy czytelnicy w trakcie lektury będą mogli identyfikować, które praktyki i w jaki sposób zostały już wprowadzone w naszym kraju.

John Pratt is well known to Polish readers for coining the term ‘penal populism’, which has entered the Polish academic language for good. It has been repeatedly referred to in writing about undesirable developments in criminal law. John Pratt's recent book (Law, Insecurity and Risk Control: Neo-Liberal Governance and the Populist Revolt, Cham 2020) is also important for the Polish reader, as the picture drawn by the author also translates into the Polish experience. In this author's view, this book is an excellent synthesis of the path that common law societies and states (and many other countries with them) have taken over the last decades from welfare states, through neoliberal governments, to populist solutions, including the developing punitive law, which goes beyond the framework of classical criminal law. As they read, Polish readers will be able to identify which practices and how have already been implemented in our country.

Departing or Being Deported? : Poland’s Approach towards Humanitarian Migrants

Journal of Refugee Studies 2022, t. 36, nr 3, s. 467-488.

Współautorstwo: Szulecka, Monika

Referring to the theoretical reflection on securitization in the area of forced migration and applying Barak Kalir’s concept of Departheid, we investigate policies and practices deployed by the Polish authorities to deal with humanitarian migrants. In particular between 2015 and 2021, in the Polish context, humanitarian migrants were usually equated with ‘bogus’ asylum seekers, ‘undeserving’ of protection or even the right to apply for it. With the increasing presence of Belarusian and, more recently, Ukrainian asylum seekers in Poland, two completely different state attitudes towards asylum seekers reaching Poland’s borders became visible. People directly fleeing Belarus and Ukraine were seen as deserving protection and support, and faced no obstacles in entering Poland through its eastern border. At the same time, non-White people forced to leave Asian or African regions in crisis, attempting to cross the border and to enter Poland remained ‘unwanted’—to be deterred or deported, and thus illegalized at some stage of their mobility, usually already at the point of entrance. Based on the analysis of empirical data gathered between 2018 and 2021, we look for durable solutions for the latter category of migrants and investigate the reasons for the selectivity observed in the Polish practices towards asylum seekers. We conclude that the governmental approach perpetuated towards keeping humanitarian migrants away from Polish territory, especially in the post-2015 context, builds on xenophobic sentiments, making the concept of Departheid applicable to the realities of forced migration management in Poland.

Margizens : Exclusion and state violence towards the Romanian Roma community in Poland

Archiwum Kryminologii 2021, t. XLIII, nr 2, s. 63-89.

A Romanian Roma community has been present in the largest Polish cities since the beginning of the 1990s. Although their presence was initially perceived as temporary, some members of this group have now been living in Poland for more than 20 years. However, for much of that time they have been invisible to the authorities, with only occasional exposure, and the main reasons for intervention were an attempt to remove them from the country, or from territory they were living on. In this paper, I would like to describe the situation of Romanian Roma in one Polish city, Wrocław. On their example I present different levels of exclusion from the community and space, describe the process of marginalisation (as a part of anti-Roma practices), as well as the tendency to use criminal law to discipline behaviours which society considers to be inappropriate and which it does not want to see. I’m thus presenting problems of evictions from public and private spaces, cases of prejudice followed by xenophobic attacks performed by representatives of Polish society and general lack of support neither from the general public, social institutions or police. Those practices lead to dep ravation of sense of security of the Roma population in Wrocław as police officers are perceived by them (and behaves) rather as oppressors who chase beggars away, fine them and confiscate money they earned on the street. And they fail in protection Roma community against xenophobic violence form the host society – or to be more precise they decided to abdicate from this role. The control of and state’s violence against the Roma community is made possible by labelling them as non-members of society, as strangers – persons to whom we can apply different rules than to ourselves.

Społeczność rumuńskich Romów jest obecna w większych polskich miastach od początku lat 90. XX wieku. Chociaż ich pobyt uważany był za czasowy, okazało się, że niektórzy przedstawiciele tej grupy mieszkają w Polsce od ponad 20 lat. Przez większość tego czasu byli oni jednak niewidoczni dla polskich władz. Pojawiali się w orbicie ich spojrzenia jedynie sporadycznie i przede wszystkim w związku z próbami usunięcia ich – czy to wydalenia z Polski, czy też eksmisji z zajmowanej przez nich przestrzeni. W niniejszym tekście chciałbym opisać sytuację rumuńskich Romów mieszkających w jednym z polskich miast – we Wrocławiu. Na ich przykładzie chcę pokazać sposoby wykluczania przedstawicieli tej społeczności zarówno ze społeczeństwa jako całości, jak i z przestrzeni publicznej. Opiszę proces marginalizacji rumuńskich Romów (jako przykład działań antyromskich), jak również używannie przepisów prawnokarnych do dyscyplinowania członków tej społeczności i korygowania ich zachowań – tych które polskie społeczeństwo uznało za niewłaściwe lub których po prostu nie chce oglądać. Pokażę zatem, jak wygląda proces wykluczania Romów z zarówno z przestrzeni publicznej, jak i z prywatnej (czy półpublicznej), podam przykłady uprzedzeń oraz przemocy motywowanej ksenofobią, której sprawcami są przedstawiciele polskiego społeczeństwa, opiszę także generalny brak wsparcia dla Romów – ze strony społeczeństwa, instytucji publicznych czy policji. Wszystkie te praktyki i działania prowadzą do pozbawienia przedstawicieli pochodzącej z Rumunii społeczności romskiej mieszkających we Wrocławiu poczucia bezpieczeństwa, bowiem policjanci są przez nich postrzegani (oraz zachowują się) raczej jako oprawcy, którzy przeganiają ich z publicznych miejsc, w których żebrzą, nakładają na nich grzywny oraz konfiskują pieniądze zarobione na ulicy. Jednocze śnienie zapewniają żadnej ochrony przed ksenofobiczną przemocą ze strony społeczeństwa – czy też, by być bardziej precyzyjnym, uznali, że nie będą występowali w roli osób strzegących tę społeczność. Wzmożona kontrola oraz przemoc ze strony przedstawicieli instytucji publicznych wobec społeczności rumuńskich Romów wynika z postrzegania ich (i naznaczenia ich) jako nie-członków społeczności, jako obcych, wobec których mogą być stosowane inne zasady niż w stosunku do przedstawicieli polskiego społeczeństwa.

Introduction : Unwanted Citizens of EU Member States and Their Forced Returns within the European Union

Central and Eastern European Migration Review 2021, t. 10, nr 1, s. 5-12.

Współautorstwo: Martynowicz, Agnieszka

Governments of countries of the Global North often segregate migrants into three main groups: welcomed and accepted (mostly high-skilled specialists or those who are wealthy); ‘tolerable’ because their work is needed by the host country (skilled or unskilled workers) and unwanted. The third category is fluid and its ‘membership’ can change according to need, convenience and time; the selection is often based on the current immigration policy priorities of different states. In most cases, the third group consists of asylum-seekers, refugees and undocumented migrants (Aas 2011; Carling 2011; Kmak 2015). However, in recent years much focus has also been placed on the categorisation ‘unwanted’ as applied to people who have been othered by societies (in either the ‘host’ country or the ‘country of origin’) and are perceived as a ‘burden’ to society itself and/or to the welfare systems of various states. In the European Union, on which this Special Issue focuses, the latter categorisation and subsequent enforcement of removals within its borders often targets the Roma community (van Baar, Ivasiuc and Kreide 2019). Another targeted group consists of migrants with criminal records – those who commit a crime on the territory of the host country. As Mantu and Minderhood (in this issue) observe, ‘poverty, ethnicity and criminality are common elements on which unwantedness is constructed in public and political discourse’. It is these aspects of ‘unwantedness’ that the articles in this Special Issue consider in detail.

The research was kindly funded by the British Academy’s Visiting Fellowship Programme under the UK Government’s Rutherford Programme (project ‘Polish Migrants Deported from the UK’, No. VF1\101178) and the National Science Centre, Poland (project ‘Experiences of Poles Deported from the UK in the Context of the Criminal Justice System’s Involvement’; grant No. UMO-2018/30/M/HS5/00816).

In the Pursuit of Justice : (Ab)Use of the European Arrest Warrant in the Polish Criminal Justice System

Central and Eastern European Migration Review 2021, t. 10, nr 1, s. 95-117.

Współautorstwo: Włodarczyk-Madejska, Justyna; Wzorek, Dominik

Poland is the leading country in pursuing its own citizens under the European Arrest Warrant (EAW), with the number of EAWs issued between 2005 and 2013 representing one third of the warrants issued by all EU countries (although some serious inconsistencies between Polish and Eurostat statistical data can be observed). The data show that Poland overuses this instrument by issuing EAWs in minor cases, sometimes even for petty crimes. However, even though this phenomenon is so widespread, it has attracted very little academic interest thus far. This paper fills that gap. The authors scrutinise the topic against its legal, theoretical and statistical backdrop. Based on their findings, a theoretical perspective is drawn up to consider what the term ‘justice’ actually means and which activities of the criminal justice system could be called ‘just’ and which go beyond this term. The main question to answer is: Should every crime be pursued (even a petty one) and every person face punishment – even after years have passed and a successful and law-abiding life has been building in another country? Or should some restrictions be introduced to the law to prevent the abuse of justice?

Research presented in this article is part of the project ‘Experiences of Poles Deported from the UK in the Context of the Criminal Justice System’s Involvement’, financed by the National Science Centre, Poland, under Grant No. UMO-2018/30/M/HS5/00816.

The Porous Border Woven with Prejudices and Economic Interests : Polish Border Admission Practices in the Time of COVID-19

Social Sciences 2021, t. 10, nr 11, s. 435-448.

The COVID-19 pandemic has severely restricted global movement, thus affecting migration processes and immigrants themselves. The paper focuses on the evaluation of bordering procedures and practices introduced by the Polish government in the time of the pandemic. The aim is to highlight the duality in the admission processes at Polish borders between labour and forced migrants, which have been driven, as I argue, by economic interests and the xenophobic attitudes of the government. The paper is based on interviews with experts assisting migrants during the pandemic in Poland, whose direct contact with thousands of clients has allowed them to acquire broad knowledge of how the new legal provisions have affected different groups of immigrants. The data confirms that the Polish border is very porous. It has been almost completely closed to asylum seekers, especially those fleeing from Muslim countries, for whom the only option is to cross the border illegally. Only one exception was made for Belarusians, who were cordially welcomed at the border while escaping persecution in their home country in the wake of their protests against Lukashenko’s regime. Economic migrants, on the other hand, exist on the other side of the spectrum. For immigrant workers, borders have remained open throughout the whole pandemic. Moreover, some further measures facilitating their arrival were introduced, such as de facto lifting of quarantine for seasonal farm workers.

The Judiciary Power of Discretion in Sanctioning the Facilitation of Unauthorised Stay in Poland

International Journal for Crime Justice and Social Democracy 2021, t. 10, nr 3, s. 72-86.

Współautorstwo: Szulecka, Monika

Migration control in Poland is significantly based on internal control practices carried out by street-level bureaucrats representing both law enforcement agents and low-level judges equipped with discretionary power. Based on empirical data from 243 criminal cases of facilitating unauthorised stay in Poland, we reflected on how the mentioned actors and, in particular, criminal judges interpret the existing provisions and to what extent they study cases independently or simply follow the logic of the law enforcement. We based our analysis on two distinct forms of identified cases of ‘supporting’ irregular migration; that is, participation in sham marriages and involvement in document fraud. We conclude that judges lacking expertise in the field relatively new to them may be less prone to question the effects of the preparatory proceedings, and they are not keen to look for any answers for themselves, especially to scrutinise and refer to the European Union law or jurisprudence. In their ‘craftwork’, they face cases that seem similar to them and, thus, not deserving of special attention. Judges lack the broader knowledge and possibly also reflexive thinking in assessing migration-related criminal cases brought to the courts by border guards, who prove their effectiveness inter alia through numbers of detected facilitators, not necessarily the roles played by them. All this may lead to unnecessarily broadening the scope of control over immigrants and a failure in achieving the objectives of criminal provisions.

Extending the Net : From Securitisation to Civicisation of Migration Control

Crime Prevention and Community Safety 2021, t. 23, nr 2, s. 213-228.

Współautorstwo: Szulecka, Monika

The article aims to contribute to the very actual theoretical debate concerning intersection of migration control and crime prevention. Its objective is to review and critically discuss the process of extending control over immigrants. It is based on the analysis of control practices revealed in the countries of the Global North, which are the most common destinations for immigrants, be they forced or voluntary. We apply the three-stage notion of the development of migration control, of which two, i.e. securitisation and privatisation, have been quite extensively commented on in the literature so far. The third level, though, based on civic involvement in migration control practices, named here civicisation of migration control, deserves special attention as possibly prospective tool applied by the states in migration governance. We claim that increasing the net of social agents encouraged or obliged to control and report to authorities “suspicious” migrants or their “suspicious” behaviours raises doubts whether the involvement of citizens of certain kinds of public and private bodies can be assessed positively. To support this argument, we indicate the consequences of unreflexive associations of migration-related phenomena with threats to security and crimes.

Propozycja definicji pracy przymusowej : projekt art. 115 § 22b Kodeksu karnego

Prawo w Działaniu 2020, t. 41, s. 229-237.

Współautorstwo: Makarska, Małgorzata

Wiele ustawodawstw boryka się z problemem zdefiniowania pracy przymusowej. Niewiele w tym zakresie pomaga prawo międzynarodowe, bowiem definicję taką możemy znaleźć wyłącznie w Konwencji nr 29 Międzynarodowej Organizacja Pracy – i jest ona przeterminowana i nieprzystająca do obecnych potrzeb. Brak definicji pracy przymusowej jest jedną z głównych przyczyn powodujących, że to zjawisko (które staje się obecnie coraz powszechniejsze) jest tak trudne do zidentyfikowania przez organy ścigania zajmujące się zwalczaniem handlu ludźmi, a jego sprawcy są tak rzadko doprowadzani przed oblicze wymiaru sprawiedliwości. Wiele dyskutuje się, czy praca przymusowa powinna stanowić odrębne przestępstwo czy też jest ona (i powinna być) rozumiana jako forma handlu ludźmi (co sugeruje wiele dokumentów międzynarodowych). Autorzy niniejszej pracy przychylają się do tego drugiego stanowiska. Uważamy, że szczególnie w polskich warunkach jest ono zdecydowanie bardziej efektywne, bowiem w naszym kraju funkcjonuje szeroko rozbudowany system przeciwdziałania handlowi ludźmi i wsparcia dla jego ofiar. Organy ścigania są przygotowane do wykrywania tego zjawiska, a legalna definicja pracy przymusowej będzie stanowiła dodatkowy (i obecnie brakujący) element, który zwiększy ich skuteczność w walce z tym przestępstwem.

Many legislations struggle with defi ning forced labour. There is not much help from international law, since the only regulation in this matter is the 1930 International Labour Organisation Convention No. 29, which is out of date and not fi t for the current needs. The lack of a clear defi nition of forced labour is one of the main obstacles making this phenomenon (which is becoming increasingly common nowadays) so diffi cult to identify for law enforcement agencies, which is why its perpetrators are so rarely brought to justice. There are many discussions about whether forced labour should be construed as a separate offence or whether it is (and should be) understood as a form of human traffi cking (as many international documents suggest). The authors of this paper prefer the latter view. We believe that such a solution is more productive (especially in the Polish perspective), because Poland has developed a whole system of counteracting human traffi cking and providing assistance to its survivors. In addition, law enforcement agencies are well trained in identifying this phenomenon, while a legal defi nition of forced labour will be an additional (currently lacking) element that can make their efforts in fi ghting this offence more effective.

Profesor Anna Kossowska (7.03.1943–4.06.2019)

Archiwum Kryminologii 2019, t. XLI, nr 2, s. 7-14.

Współautorstwo: Buczkowski, Konrad; Czarnecka-Dzialuk, Beata; Rzeplińska, Irena; Szulecka, Monika; Włodarczyk-Madejska, Justyna; Wiktorska, Paulina; Woźniakowska, Dagmara; Wójcik, Dobrochna; Wzorek, Dominik

Criminalisation of Beggars : the Causes and Consequences of the Phenomenon

Contemporary Central & East European Law 2019, nr 1, s. 132-141.

All authorities desire to control various aspects of their subjects’ lives. Those in power claim to do it in the name of protecting the peace and safety of all citizens. For one of groups perceived to be the most dangerous is the one whose members evade formal or informal social control – they do not work, do not have a family or are estranged from them, they have no permanent home. Therefore, to make sure that no one is out of the reach of governmental control, criminal law is utilised against them and whole ways of life, and the everyday behaviours of vagrants and homeless people began to be criminalised. And this process is still ongoing. The law thus punishes a person for their personal identity, and not for specific improper or harmful behaviour undertaken by them. In this paper I would like to analyse the problem of criminalisation of beggars throughout Polish history, and present how it impacted (and still impacts) upon the lives of the poorest and the most excluded parts of Polish society.

Profesor Zofia Ostrihanska (22.02.1926–24.11.2017)

Archiwum Kryminologii 2018, t. XL, s. 5-9.

Współautorstwo: Buczkowski, Konrad; Czarnecka-Dzialuk, Beata; Kossowska, Anna; Rzeplińska, Irena; Szulecka, Monika; Włodarczyk-Madejska, Justyna; Wiktorska, Paulina; Woźniakowska, Dagmara; Wójcik, Dobrochna

‘Governmental Xenophobia’ and Crimmigration : European States’ Policy and Practices towards ‘the Other’

No-Foundations 2018, nr 15, s. 74-100.

Współautorstwo: Gliszczyńska-Grabias, Aleksandra

This article identifies practices of numerous European states characterized as manifestations of “governmental xenophobia” and “crimmigration” as its special phenomenon, while at the same time demonstrating the ways these practices breach fundamental human rights, including prohibition of discrimination. Europe has been selected as a case-study for the purpose of this article as currently it is the areathatreflects and cumulates, in an unprecedented way, all phenomenon the article relates to. It also proves that both the old, Western Europe’s democracies and former Central and Eastern member states of the European community are not free from using the same practices towards “the Other”, relying very often on the same – universal xenophobic attitudes fed by the same fears and prejudice.

Czynniki kształtujące polską politykę imigracyjną i integracyjną w opinii badaczy i praktyków

Polityka Społeczna 2018, t. 536-537, nr 11-12, s. 16-23.

Współautorstwo: Gońda, Marcin

The paper discusses the results of a Delphi method-based survey conducted among Polish experts (researchers and practitioners) regarding the factors that shape immigration and integration policies towards foreigners in Poland in the context of the changing international (the so-called refugee crisis in Europe) and local (growing anti-immigration tendencies and politicization of the immigration) conditions. The survey reveals that despite immigration and integration policies are implemented separately and remain on different stages of their advancement, they both are subordinated to political and economic interests. Poland focuses on obtaining benefits (notably economic once) from immigration and at the same time withdraws from integration support for immigrants.

W tekście omawiane są rezultaty badania opinii przeprowadzonego z wykorzystaniem metody delfickiej wśród polskich ekspertów (badaczy i praktyków) na temat czynników kształtujących politykę imigracyjną i integracyjną wobec cudzoziemców w Polsce na tle zmieniającego się kontekstu międzynarodowego (tzw. kryzysu uchodźczego w Europie) i krajowego (rosnącej niechęci do imigrantów i upolitycznienia problemu imigracji). Zebrane wyniki wskazują, że tak polityka imigracyjna, jak i integracyjna - mimo że wdrażane są osobno, a stan ich zaawansowania pozostaje różny - podporządkowane są celom politycznym i gospodarczym. Polska koncentruje się na uzyskaniu z imigracji możliwie dużych korzyści (zwłaszcza ekonomicznych), przy jednoczesnym wycofaniu się ze wsparcia integracyjnego dla cudzoziemców.

Security First : The New Right-Wing Government in Poland and its Policy towards Immigrants and Refugees

Surveillance & Society 2017, nr 15 (3/4), s. 523-528.

The so called refugee crisis in 2015 coincided with the Polish parliamentary electoral campaign. The effect of it was – for the first time in Poland – the introduction of migration policy to the political agenda of the right-wing and populist political parties on a massive scale. They presented migration as an issue of security – both national and cultural, direct and symbolic. The new government, acting since the end of 2015, included immigration and asylum issues into their political programme as a key element of national security. Their discourse about refugees is usually based on the differentiation: us and them. And “them” are pictured as evil, dangerous, Muslim terrorists. The new government and its authoritarian style of governing has introduced a number of initiatives designed to deprive individuals of immigrant rights (like in the new so-called Antiterrorist Act from the mid of 2016, based on which every foreign citizen could be put under surveillance without any court control) or to stop refugee influx on the Polish territory in any way – directly from their country of origin (new amendments to asylum law are trying to introduce border and accelerated procedures) or under the UE resettlement and relocation programme (Poland is one of 3 EU Member States – along Hungary and Austria – that hasn’t relocated anyone). In this paper I will present in more detail the legal changes described above, their consequences and the so-called rationalities presented by the government.

Sprawcy przemocy motywowanej uprzedzeniami wobec cudzoziemców

Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Kryminologicznego 2016, nr 23, s. 57-78.

Na poziom uprzedzeń i ksenofobii w społeczeństwach wpływa nie tyle liczba imigrantów, którzy mieszkają w danym kraju, a raczej poczucie zagrożenia, jakie panuje w danym społeczeństwie przed napływem imigrantów. Stąd poziom uprzedzeń jest wyższy w tych społeczeństwach, które są bardziej homogeniczne. Potwierdzają to wyniki badań nad polskimi uprzedzeniami w stosunku do muzułmanów czy ogólnie wobec imigrantów. Badania kryminologiczne pokazują silny związek między ksenofobicznymi postawami rodziny sprawców a popełnianiem przez nich czynów na tle uprzedzeń. Sprawcami tych czynów są przede wszystkim działający w grupie młodzi mężczyźni (poniżej 25 lat), a podstawowymi motywacjami ich czynów jest poszukiwanie wrażeń (połączone ze spożyciem alkoholu) czy też specyficznie rozumiana próba ochrony społeczeństwa przed napływem Obcych. Ważnym motorem działań sprawców jest także przekonanie, że za pokrzywdzonymi nikt się nie ujmie – ani policja, ani społeczeństwo.

The level of biases and xenophobic attitudes in a society is influenced mostly by the fear towards immigrants and their influx instead of the real number of immigrants residing in a particular country. That’s why the level of bias towards the Others is much higher in homogeneous societies. The results of Polish opinion polls research on bias attitudes of our society towards Muslims or immigrants echo these findings. In the criminological research we find strong relations between xenophobic attitudes of the family of the perpetrator and acts of bias violence committed by the latter. Biased crimes are usually committed by young males (under 25 years old), and the main motivation of their actions is either thrill (usually connected with the consumption of alcohol) or specifically understood defence of their community from the Others and their presence. An important factor of the perpetrators’ behaviour is also the conviction that no one will stand up for the victims, neither the police, nor the society.

Zawieranie małżeństw polsko-cudzoziemskich w celu obejścia przepisów legalizacyjnych

Archiwum Kryminologii 2016, t. XXXVIII, s. 269-319.

In a changing and increasingly globalized world, in which migration is on the rise, more and more frequently marriages are being entered into between people of different nationalities, and also, often enough, of different confession or ethnicity. Many scholars claim that the widespread nature of this phenomenon may, in fact, attest to a high level of integration of the migrants into the society and their resultant social acceptance. On the other hand, various studies reveal that in numerous societies mixed marriages are not generally approved of. Marriage may be perceived very differently, depending on the actual perspective or an approach opted for when putting it under closer scrutiny. For some, its key component will consist in the relationship between two individuals forming it, others will be happy to see rather as a primary building block of a society, a kind of social nucleus, others still, first and foremost in business terms. Finally, marriage may also be looked upon as a means of controlling and oppressing women. In different domains of the law, the institution of marriage is bound to be perceived very differently. In terms of immigration law, marriage is perceived first and foremost as an instrument for the legalization of a foreign national’s residence in another country. Marriage may also be looked upon as a certain source of risk, including that to public security. The very fact of its conclusion may be considered a criminal offence, e.g. in the case of forcing someone into entering into such a relationship. A number of countries face a recognized problem of the so-called forced marriages. In terms of immigration law, the problem consists in making an instrumental use of the institution of marriage in order to legalize one’s residence in the country. This is referred to as a marriage of convenience, or paper marriage, fictitious union, sometimes also referred to as fake marriage. Under Polish law, they are subsumed under the term “marriages contracted in order to circumvent the legislation in place,” i.e. presumably the Foreign Nationals Act. There are various definitions of virtual marriages to be found in the literature on the subject. They are referred to as relationships in which at least one of the partners contracts a marriage with no intention of pursuing true married life whatsoever. Other definitions highlight a purely instrumental use of the institution of marriage in order to achieve certain benefits, usually with a view to being granted a bona fide residence status, but also for the purpose of escaping from oppressive family relations or cultural pressures exerted by a social group to which they happen to belong. Relevant EU provisions recommend that the Member States introduce mechanisms for the monitoring of mixed marriages and make references to specific cases whereupon a fictitious marriage might well be suspected. Polish legal regulations have been duly adapted to them (provisions of Article 169, Foreign Nationals Act). The number of cases in which provincial governors agreed that a marriage had been contracted in order to circumvent the legislation in place is not high. Over 10 years, only 1,178 of such cases have been identified throughout the country, which accounted for just over 2% of all decisions on legalizing a foreign national’s residence in the country in connection with contracting a mixed marriage. The paper presents the results of a representative sample of residence legalization cases, whereupon provincial governors found marriages to have been contracted under false pretences in the period spanning 2009–2013. A total of 138 of such cases were examined. A vast majority of the surveyed marriages subsequently found to be fictitious was based on the paradigm most popular in the Polish context, i.e. a female Polish citizen marrying a foreign national (72% of cases). Most often, such marriages were contracted by Nigerian nationals, followed by Armenians, Turks, and Ukrainians. The residence in Poland of around a half of the expats might be regarded as a short-term one (as it would not last in excess of 3 years), another 25% might can be described as medium-term migrants, and the remainder, the long-term ones, since they had lived in Poland country for over 10 years. Nigerians and foreign nationals from South Asia and the Mediterranean countries did not usually spend more than three years in Poland, whereas our eastern neighbours and the Armenians tended to stay for at least 4 years, and frequently more than 10 years. A vast majority of married couples, almost 70% of all cases, first met in Poland. In 13% of the cases, they met in another EU country – usually during a longer sojourn of female Polish citizens in that country, or, in a single case, a male Polish citizen. Most foreign nationals marrying Polish women (69%) were over 26 and under 40. There were relatively few older ones, i.e. those over 40 years of age. The average age of female Polish citizens married by them was different, though, as the group of younger ones, i.e. up to 30 years of age, seemed to be dominant. The group of older women, i.e. over 50 years of age, also is quite prominent. In very few cases it was possible to determine during the residence legalization procedure that the spouses had concluded a formal agreement regarding the fictitious nature of their marriage, which would also have its financial aspect: a Polish national was due to receive money in exchange for contracting marriage to a foreign national. Such an aspect was encountered in 15 cases only, and most often the information came from a Polish national who felt cheated out of the payment of the amount originally promised to him/her. When determining the fictitious nature of a marriage, the officials were often aided by the spouses themselves – in 2/3 of the cases under investigation at the time of filing an application for the legalization of residence, they no longer lived together (although sometimes it was due to the fact that the husband still lived abroad having just applied for the right to claim residence in Poland, yet such cases were rather few, as was indicated above). Following an on-site verification whether a married couple actually lived together for the duration of the administrative proceedings, it transpired that in up to 91% of the cases they did not, including the 42 cases, when one of the spouses explicitly described the relationship as over. Polish citizenship as a ‘commodity’ has steadily grown in value in view of the attendant opportunity to obtain legal residence in other EU countries and contracting employment without the need for any permits. Hence, many people are ready to go to any lengths to obtain such a highly prized document. Consequently, the phenomenon of marriages of convenience is expected to rise. On the other hand, this particular type of motivation for contracting marriage by foreign nationals is, and most likely will remain rather hard to detect, so we might just as well acknowledge this as a hard fact of life. There will always be various ways to circumvent legal regulations. While constructing the legislation aimed at preventing fictitious marriages, it should be considered how much effort and resources we are prepared to allocate to preventive measures, to what extent they are expected to be effective (since often they are not, despite the substantial expenditures incurred), and to what extent we can afford to limit the citizens’ rights in this particular respect. When making incursions into someone’s family life and interfering with their marital relations, this is definitely an issue of paramount importance. Finally, it should be borne in mind that marriage is a kind of social contract, and that it has always been so. Marriage out of love is a relatively new concept, and related to a larger extent to a cultural fabric of the global North. In other cultures, marriage has often retained its historical character. One simply needs to acknowledge and accept it as a fact of life when shaping migration policy.

Przybysze ze Wschodu w pracowniczej matni

Rzeczpospolita 2015, nr 53.

Współautorstwo: Mazurczak, Karolina

Przestępstwo nielegalnego przekroczenia granicy w ujęciu historycznym, teoretycznym i praktycznym

Archiwum Kryminologii 2015, t. XXXVII, s. 191-222.

Współautorstwo: Woźniakowska, Dagmara

Historical analysis of the issue of illegal crossings of national borders shows that theinstruments of criminal law reactions are more characteristic for totalitarian countriesthan democratic ones. In the case of Poland, over the course of the last few decadesa substantial change has taken place in the goal of protecting borders. Until the endof the 1980s, attempting to prevent its own citizens from leaving was the priority,while now the border controls are concentrated on stopping citizens from third-worldcountries entering.The offence stipulated in article 264 paragraph 2 of the Criminal Code penalises anact involving perpetrators illegally crossing Polish borders and do so by using specifiedforms of actions in the form of deceit, violence, threats or in co-operation with otherpeople. Awareness of the perpetrator in relation to the eventual location of the bordermust be based on their knowledge in this field. Here it should refer to normalisedpatterns and the so-called good model citizen, who should possess knowledge bothrelated to cultural norms and to certain facts (e.g. the layout of Poland’s borders). Thismodel is well enough confirmed in the case of Polish citizens. But it is harder to applydirectly to foreigners, specifically those coming from another cultural background.Due to this, determining the guilt of foreigners when it comes to committing crimeson the territory of our country relies on checking and accounting for the concretepersonal facts of the perpetrator, specifically their level of familiarity with Polish legaland socio-cultural norms, while taking into consideration their education, nationalorigin, profession, etc. A lack of appropriate awareness about the perpetrator, resultingfrom a lack of proper knowledge and information, would be the same as making anerror about the factual or legal meaning of the act. The effect of such an error wouldbe an inability to assign intentional fault to the perpetrator for committing the givenact. From 1 July 2015, in agreement with article 28 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Code,a person who remains in justified error about the circumstances constituting thehallmarks of a criminal act, has not committed a crime at all.The authors of the article draw attention to the most commonly occurring forms ofactivities by perpetrators from article 264 paragraph 2 of the Criminal Code, namely theillegal crossing of borders in co-operation with other people. This co-operation must beunderstood as various forms of collaboration between various people while committinga crime, often fulfilling various roles in this procedure. There is little to dispute the factthat responsibility for this will be assumed by an appropriate accomplice, and thereforethe agreement of several people in relation to the shared committing of a crime. Toconclude, all parties must have awareness that other people will be participating incommitting the crime, and articulate their will (intention) in the joint action. A lack ofagreement in this sense would therefore exclude any collaboration.From a procedural point of view, for an illegal border crossing to qualify as a crime,and not a misdemeanour, the fact must be proven that the accused crossed the border “in co-operation with other people”. In the opinion of the article’s authors, withoutproof of such circumstances, one cannot talk about a crime being committed at all. Perusal of court records raises objections about how this provision is being used inpractice. In none of the analysed recorded situations did border controls attempt toprove the circumstances of co-operation as a reasonable premise for accepting a groupcrossing the border. In some cases, the issue seems questionable.It is clear that the Polish state, in the name of its own interests, tries to ensure theflow of migrants is legal and controlled. But doubt from the article’s authors inspiresmaking use of the instruments of criminal law to aid this goal. Punishments, whichmight be placed upon perpetrators of illegal border crossing crimes, do not play a rolein most cases. One cannot speak about retaliation (because it is not an act which wouldarouse any social emotions and demand retaliation), nor speak about the resocialisationof perpetrators (since it is hard to treat the fact of crossing a border as violatingfundamental social values, and moreover the perpetrator is a foreigner and it is not inthe interest of the Polish state to reintroduce them to society but to expel them fromthe republic’s territory). Finally, it seems fruitless to argue about the preventative roleof punishments, since this perfectly serves the administration’s reaction (in the formof the practice of using detention and expulsion from institutions as well as a ban fromentering Poland’s territory).The position that it is not necessary to launch criminal proceedings againstthose people smuggled across the border was expressed in the so-called Declarationfrom Doha accepted in 2015, issued as a summary of the 13th UN Congress. In itsverdicts, the EU Court of Justice draws attentions to how it is inappropriate to imposepunishments on illegally-residing third world citizens that deprive their freedom solelyon the grounds that they have stayed without a valid reason in the territory of that state,contravening orders to leave that territory in a specified timeframe.In relation to the above, it is the belief of the authors that a justified recommendationwould be to withdraw from the frequently-used article 264 paragraph 2 of the Criminal Code, so that proceedings can be conducted in cases related to the illegal crossing ofborders.

Standaryzacja w zarządzaniu jakością usług prawnych

Ekonomika i Organizacja Przedsiębiorstw 2013, nr 11, s. 93-112.

Definiowanie dyskryminacji w prawie polskim w świetle prawa Unii Europejskiej oraz prawa międzynarodowego

Problemy Współczesnego Prawa Międzynarodowego, Europejskiego i Porównawczego 2013, t. 11, s. 72-90.

Współautorstwo: Burek, Wojciech

Rola polityków i mediów w społecznym odbiorze przestępczości

Studia Prawnicze 2012, nr 2, s. 103-134.

Współautorstwo: Buczkowski, Konrad; Kossowska, Anna; Rzeplińska, Irena; Woźniakowska, Dagmara

One of the more important eff ects of the political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe is the emergence of the problem of criminality in the social awareness of the inhabitants of these countries. After a long period in which information on the risk of crime was controlled (unless it concerned crimes against the Socialist state) the societies of this part of Europe were deluged by information on criminal incidents and by opinions and discussions on the subject of criminality. Crime in itself became an article “sold” in the media and a political football. Fear of crime, which had scarcely existed prior to the transformation, appeared as a phenomenon in the social consciousness. Infl uencing the heightened fear of crime to a certain extent was a rise in criminality and a change in its nature, but more importantly a general state of uncertainty brought about by the deconstruction of life as it used to be and the established rules on which society functioned. Criminality and the related feeling of danger is already probably a permanent element in the public face of politicians mainly, but not exclusively, from populist parties. In light of the tough attitudes manifest in Polish society, supporting harsh punishment, it is unsurprising that politicians are quick to include punitive slogans in their election programs in hopes of boosting their opinion poll ratings. Their calls for the toughening up of criminal responsibility are founded on related public expectations. It is not a new phenomenon. It was also present in the communist years when the will of society, to which communist politicians referred to when justifying their increasingly absurd ideas about penal policy, was to a signifi cant degree a propaganda creation made by the media they themselves controlled. It is still the same today, the only thing that has changed is how the media is “controlled” or shall we say “infl uenced” by the politicians. While there are many diff erences between the countries that in the last twenty years experienced the transformation from communism to democracy, they are starting to be subject to the same rules as “mature” Western European democracies. The same processes can be seen in the behavior of politicians with regard to troubling social phenomena and similar reactions by the media to crime and the reported fall in the fear of crime.

Związki między wiktymizacją oraz ubóstwem i wykluczeniem społecznym

Archiwum Kryminologii 2012, t. XXXIV, s. 43-89.

Współautorstwo: Woźniakowska, Dagmara

Since the emergence of criminology as a science, one of the main problems taken up by criminologists was the relations between poverty and crime. Initially, the studies aimed to work out actions to prevent crime and to protect the rest of the society from the marginalized, the excluded and the poor. It was pointed out that that the group called the underclass was marked by criminal deeds of its members, alcohol abuse, family disruption, single parenting, dependence on social security, and physical abuse in families. Only until later, with the development of victimology, the other side started to be observed – the description of the underclass is true as much in the case of perpetrators as it is in the case of victims. It has been proved that poverty and marginalization are related to a higher risk of becoming a victim of a crime. In case of poverty and social exclusion, one can speak of a cause-effect relationship but undoubtedly this can work in both directions – poverty usually adds to social exclusion while social exclusion (particularly more severe, like e.g. ostracism) can lead to poverty. Already at the time of emergence of victimology it was observed that victimization does not concern all members of a society to the same degree. Some social groups become crime victims more often than others. Certain categories of people were recognized as particularly vulnerable to wrongful deeds. In 1947 Hans von Hentig drafted up the first categorisation of persons who were at an increased risk of victimization. It included particular categories of people whose psychological, physical, and behavioural features predispose them to the role of a victim. The author listed larger social groups (eg. young people or women) but also such groups which are included in the context of social exclusion today. He claimed that, among others, mentally ill, retarded, substance dependant are particularly vulnerable to victimisation because their limited perception of situation makes them an easier target to theft, con or fraud. He listed immigrants who are in cultural conflict and rejected by the majority as „aliens”, the poor, and people with emotional problems as all these weaknesses could be easily used by criminals. Other minorities faced similar problems. Social inequality touches upon them in a greater degree and this increases the risk of victimisation. Today, we speak of victimisation of minorities also in the context of prejudice-motivated crimes and the elderly are one of the most vulnerable groups. Benjamin Mendelsohn accented not individual features of victims but their behaviour in certain situational context. According to the author, persons whose behaviour infringes principles of social co-existence and, as a consequence, who put themselves at risk of marginalization, are exactly those who can easily become victims. Living apart from the society and contrary to its rules after all influences the risk of victimization.

Dyskryminacja i nierówne traktowanie jako zjawisko społeczno-kulturowe

Studia BAS 2011, nr 2, s. 9-39.

Współautorstwo: Winiarska, Aleksandra

The article depicts discrimination and unequal treatment from a socio‑cultural perspective. Authors adduce various definitions of discrimination, describe its manifestations and implications, as well as preventive measures. Moreover, the article attempts to relate and examine a notion of discrimination against a back‑ground of other sociological, philosophical and legal notions

Integracja - marginalizacja - kryminalizacja, czyli o przestępczości cudzoziemców w Polsce

Archiwum Kryminologii 2010, t. XXXII, s. 81-155.

21st century is said to be the century of migration. Owing to the newest technologies people migrate easier and quicker. They also decide to change their place of residence more often – now not only within their countries but also outside it. Greater European integration and resulting increased facility in travelling within the EU facilitate this process. Yet, the most important cause of migration is the drive to improve living conditions. This is the main reason why foreigners from across the globe come to Europe – better life for them and their families. At present in the old EU countries migrants already constitute ten percent of society or even considerably more (according to UN data 14.1% in Spain, 13.1% in Germany, 10.7% in France, 10.4% in the UK), while in Poland this percentage is only 2.2% (although according to more credible OECD data, in 2008 it was as little as 0.2%). The number of foreigners legally residing in Poland permanently in 2009 was 92,500 (Office for Foreigners data), and the number of foreigners legally working in the country was almost 175,000 (Ministry of Labour and Social Policy data). One should also take into account a considerable number of foreigners residing in Poland illegally, estimated by researchers to be between 50 and 450 thousand. Moreover, the Border Guard data show an increase in the number of visitors to Poland – in 2009 7,2 million foreigners crossed Polish borders (which is a 5% increase compared to 2008). However, there are also threats related to migrations and they are of interest to sociologists and criminologists. Foreigners often remain on the margin of society and, as it happens in all marginalised social groups, some of them can turn to crime. Criminal activity of foreigners can be diverse, majority of it being common crimes committed against other foreigners. Organised crime crossing national borders is also a problem, particularly its most dangerous variety, human trafficking. Migrations involve also a clash of cultures which can lead to many previously unknown crimes (like e.g. honour murders, juvenile marriages, or reappearance of vendetta murders). Foreigners as “aliens” in the society often evoke fears, one of them being fear of serious crime – 2008 opinion poll by CBOS indicated that over 90% of Poles are afraid of such treat from foreigners. Yet fear of immigrants has much more in common with unrest and social instability brought by immigrant to the lives of residents than with actual risk of crime. It is worth to recall that one of first criminological studies carried out already in 1920s by Clifford Shaw indicated that crime is related to environment people live in, not to their race or nationality. Looking at the statistics, one may have an impression that [in Poland] there is no problem with foreign delinquency. Suspected foreigners in the peak moment in 2001 constituted 1.3% of all offenders and in 2008 only 0.41%.

Zakład Kryminologii INP PAN z perspektywy współczesnej

Archiwum Kryminologii 2007-2008, t. XXIX-XXX, s. 49-63.

Współautorstwo: Buczkowski, Konrad; Woźniakowska, Dagmara

Celem artykułu jest pogłębiona analiza prac prowadzonych w Zakładzie Kryminologii Instytutu Nauk Prawnych Polskiej Akademii Nauk na przestrzeni lat z perspektywy pracowników, którzy jako ostatni dołączyli do grona zatrudnionych w zakładzie badawczym. Podstawę materiału porównawczego zaprezentowanego w tekście stanowią wyniki zarówno aktualnych jak i pierwszych badań prowadzonych w zakładzie. Tekst przybliża przede wszystkim tematykę badawczą, jaka była podejmowana i wciąż jest kontynuowana przez zatrudnionych w Zakładzie. Zagadnienia, nad którymi prowadzono badania związane są z: przestępczością nieletnich i młodocianych, recydywą, uzależnieniem od alkoholu jak również uwarunkowaniami i przyczynami popełniana przestępstw (rozbój, przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu, czyny o charakterze chuligańskim czy prostytucja i pasożytnictwo). W artykule zaprezentowana została także metodologia, w ramach której badaczki i badacze prowadzą swoje badania naukowe. Metodologię tę cechuje przede wszystkim interdyscyplinarny charakter. Dzięki takiemu podejściu pracowników Zakładu spojrzenie na badany problem cechowało się korzystaniem jednocześnie z wielu metod badawczych stosowanych w różnych dziedzinach nauki. Wspólne analizy psychologów, prawników czy socjologów umożliwiały tym samym wieloaspektowe spojrzenie na badane zagadnienie, które nie byłoby możliwe, gdyby badania przeprowadzane byłoby przez specjalistów indywidualnie. Autorzy tekstu zwracają przy tym uwagę na wyzwanie, z jakim wiązał się interdyscyplinarny charakter prowadzonych badań, który wymagał od członków zespołu stałego pogłębiania swojej wiedzy i dokształcania się na wielu różnych płaszczyznach. Wypadkową obranego podejścia, którą Zakład niewątpliwie może się szczycić jest wielowątkowa, pogłębiona i urozmaicona interpretacja uzyskiwanych wyników badań. Podstawę artykułu stanowi opis historii badań prowadzonych od początku istnienia jednostki, których inicjatorem był pierwszy kierownik Zakładu Kryminologii – prof. Stanisław Batawia. Wkład, jaki wniósł on w prowadzone badania był niewątpliwie ogromny, przede wszystkim dlatego, że zawsze koncentrował się on na wielostronnych badaniach fenomenologicznych. W swoich rozważaniach stosował także pogłębioną jakościową analizę zachowań osób, które przejawiały zachowania dewiacyjne. Autorzy tekstu podkreślają wyjątkowe zaangażowanie Stanisława Batawii, który zapoczątkował w Polsce badania nad nieletnimi nieprzystosowanymi społecznie, jednocześnie prowadząc analizę ich sytuacji rodzinnej, ewentualnych uzależnień od alkoholu czy motywów popełniania zbrodni. W artykule zostały omówione także najważniejsze kierunki studiów prowadzone w zakładzie od lat 70. XX w. po czasy współczesne. Wśród nich najwięcej miejsca poświęcono: badaniom nad nieletnimi (w kontekście, których na uznanie zasługują przełomowe badania ewaluacyjne nad wprowadzeniem mediacji do postępowania z nieletnimi), zjawisku recydywy oraz badaniom nad przyczynami i specyfiką alkoholizmu. Autorzy tekstu podkreślają fakt, że badania kryminologiczne należąc do tzw. badań podstawowych. W związku z tym, że współcześnie państwo polskie nie inwestuje w tego typu badania wychodząc z założenia, że nie przynoszą one natychmiastowych korzyści jak np. badania prowadzone w ramach nauk stosowanych, ich wkład jest warty podkreślenia ze względu na prowadzenie pogłębionej analizy rzeczywistości. W dłuższej perspektywie czasu mogą one przynieść niedostrzegalne początkowo korzyści i wnieść cenne novum w badania naukowe.

The article includes an in-depth analysis of the work carried out over the years at the Department of Criminology of the Institute of Legal Sciences of the Polish Academy of Sciences, from the perspective of the employees who have recently joined the staff of the research centre. The comparative material presented in the text comes from the results of both current and initial research conducted at the Department. The text first of all introduces the research topics which were addressed and are still being addressed by those employed at the Department. The issues being researched are related to juvenile and underage crime, recidivism, alcohol addiction,and the conditions and causes of committing crimes (robbery, crimes against property, hooliganism, prostitution, and freeloading). The article also presents the methodology according to which the researchers conduct their scientific research. Thanks to the primarily interdisciplinary approach of the Department’s employees, the outlook on these problems is characterised by simultaneous use of many methods applied in various fields of science. The joint analyses of psychologists, lawyers, and sociologists enabled a multifaceted look at the issues, which would not have been possible if the research had been conducted individually. The authors also point out the challenge of the interdisciplinary research, which required the team members to constantly expand their knowledge and educate themselves in many different areas. The result of this approach, about which the Department can undoubtedly boast, is a multi-dimensional, in-depth, and varied interpretation of the results. The background to the article is a description of the history of research conducted since the Institute was established, inaugurated by the first head of the Department of Criminology, Professor Stanisław Batawia. His contribution to the research was undoubtedly immense, mainly because he always focussed on multifaceted phenomenological research. In his studies, he also applied in-depth qualitative analysis of the actions of people who exhibited deviant behaviour. The authors of the text emphasise the exceptional commitment of Stanisław Batawia, who initiated research on socially maladjusted minors in Poland, at the same time conducting an analysis of their family situation, possible alcohol addictions, or motives for committing crimes. The article also discusses the most important fields of study conducted at the Institute from the 1970s to the present day. Among them, the most attention is paid to research on minors (in the context of which the groundbreaking evaluation research on the introduction of mediation into proceedings with minors deserves recognition), the phenomenon of repeat offending, and research on the causes and nature of alcoholism. The authors emphasise the fact that criminological research is part of the so-called basic research. As the Polish state nowadays does not invest in this type of research on the grounds that it does not bring immediate benefits – unlike, for example, research conducted within the framework of the applied sciences – its contribution is worth highlighting because it provides an in-depth analysis of reality. In the long run, they may bring initially unseen benefits and make a valuable contribution to scientific research.

Działalność wychowawcza sądu rodzinnego wobec nieletnich : pomiędzy ideami a praktyką

Archiwum Kryminologii 2007-2008, t. XXIX-XXX, s. 331-347.

Celem tekstu jest wykazanie różnicy pomiędzy praktyczną działalnością sądu rodzinnego w postępowaniu z nieletnimi, a założeniami odnoszącymi do tej działalności. Autor tekstu rozpoczyna swoje rozważania od przedstawienia założeń podstawowych zasad postępowania z nieletnimi i podkreśla przede wszystkim znaczenie tzw. zasady dobra nieletniego. Następnie w tekście scharakteryzowane zostają środki wymierzane nieletnim na podstawie podstawowych danych statystyki sądowej, których struktura według autora nie zmieniła się znacząco na przestrzeni lat. Wśród nich autor opracowania wymienia m.in.: nadzór kuratora, zobowiązanie nieletniego do określonego zachowania czy skierowanie go do ośrodka pracy z młodzieżą. Podstawę publikacji stanowi natomiast analiza badań własnych autora, który zbadał strukturę orzeczeń sądów rodzinnych wobec młodszych nieletnich, którzy nie ukończyli 13 lat. Odnosząc się do wniosków z analizy W. Klaus podkreśla przede wszystkim charakterystyczny dla analizowanej kategorii wyższy odsetek spraw umarzanych czy niewszczętych, rzadsze występowanie nadzoru kuratora i podejmowanie decyzji o umieszczeni nieletniego w placówce. Autor nakreśla też problem braku poczucia winy rodziców nieletnich, którzy w czasie postępowania zrzucają winę za czyn dziecka na innych i starają się bronić go za wszelką cenę. W. Klaus zwraca uwagę na obciążanie rodziców kosztami postępowania, które według niego stanowić może quasi-środek wpływający na poczucie u opiekunów odpowiedzialności za zachowanie dzieci. W tekście omówione zostają także orzeczenia sądów w badaniach katamnestycznych, których celem było prześledzenie wpływu spraw sądowych na dalszą karierę przestępczą nieletnich oraz analiza sposobu orzekania sędziów. Podsumowując tekst, autor przedstawia uwagi na temat skuteczności środków stosowanych wobec nieletnich przez sądy rodzinne i analizuje je w oparciu o cele postępowania. W. Klaus raz jeszcze podkreśla rozziew między widoczną praktyką postępowania z nieletnimi, a jego założeniami. Sugeruje konieczne zmiany systemu wymiaru sprawiedliwości dla nieletnich zakładające m.in. budowę sieci współpracy złożonej z różnych instytucji i wprowadzanie programów profilaktycznych opartych na wynikach badań kryminologicznych.

The purpose of the text is to present the difference between the practical work of the family court in dealing with minors and the ideas referring to such work. The author begins by presenting the principles of juvenile proceedings and stresses the importance of the principle of the good of the juvenile. The text then characterises the measures imposed on minors on the basis of fundamental data of court statistics, the structure of which has not changed significantly over the years, according to the author. Witold Klaus lists the following measures: probation supervision, obliging the juvenile to behave in a certain way, or sending them to a juvenile detention centre. The publication is based on the author’s own research, which examined the structure of family court decisions against minors under the age of 13. Referring to the conclusions of the analysis, Klaus emphasises first of all the higher percentage of discontinued or pending cases, the less frequent probation supervision, and decisions to place minors in institutions, which are common for this category of decisions. The author also outlines the problem of a sense of guilt lacking in the parents of minors, who blame the deeds of their children on others during the proceedings and try to defend them under any circumstances. Klaus brings attention to charging the parents with the costs of the proceedings, which, according to him, can be a quasi-measure to encourage a sense of responsibility in the guardians’ for their children’s behaviour. The text also discusses court rulings in follow-up studies aiming to trace the influence of court cases on the further criminal career of juveniles and to analyse the judges’ adjudication. To conclude the paper, the author comments on the effectiveness of measures applied to juveniles by family courts and analyses them based on the objectives of the proceedings. Klaus once again highlights the gap between the observable practice of dealing with juveniles and its underlying assumptions. He suggests necessary changes in the juvenile justice system involving, for instance, building a cooperation network made up of various institutions and introducing prevention programmes based on the findings of criminological research.

Nauka i zachowanie młodszych nieletnich w szkole

Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Kryminologicznego 2007, nr 16, s. 7-25.

Niepowodzenia szkolne i trudności ujawniane na terenie szkoły i domu z reguły znacznie wyprzedzają pierwsze objawy nieprzystosowania społecznego i przestępczości.". Dlatego opisując sylwetkę nieletniego sprawcy czynu karalnego nie sposób pominąć szkoły, jako ważne go elementu w wychowaniu młodego człowieka. Sytuacja szkolna dzieci i młodzieży wpływa bowiem często na ich zachowania pozaszkolne, w tym na przejawianie objawów demoralizacji. Zwraca się uwagę na to, że niepowodzenia szkolne są jednym z ważniejszych determinantów przy pogłębianiu się niedostosowania społecznego. W wielu badaniach anamnestycznych młodocianych przestępców okazywało się, iż większość z nich miała poważne problemy w szkole - wielokrotnie powtarzała klasy, często nie kończyła nawet szkoły podstawowej. Brak wykształcenia, a co za tym idzie brak zawodu i w konsekwencji znacznie mniejsze możliwości oraz brak pomysłu na życie, skutkowały wykolejeniem tych osób.

Wczesna przestępczość nieletnich i jej skutki

Archiwum Kryminologii 2005-2006, t. XXVIII, s. 203-218.

The object of study was prohibited acts committed by children up to 13 years old which caused a reaction of the justice system. The results of the research deny a common belief, also popularised by the mass media that the age of juveniles who committed serious crimes is rapidly falling down. In fact, in most cases we deal with petit crimes.

Organizacje pozarządowe na granicy

Z Ziemi Obcej 2005, nr 22, s. 16-17.

Reforma wymiaru sprawiedliwości wobec nieletnich w Wielkiej Brytanii

Przegląd Więziennictwa Polskiego 2004, nr 44/45, s. 166-174.

Policja wobec instytucji mediacji

Przegląd Prawa Karnego 2004, nr 23, s. 19-26.